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GALLI BIBIENA, Antonio (1697-1774). Disegni del nuovo teatro de quattro cavalieri eretto in Pavia l’anno MDCCLXXIII opera del Cav. Antonio Galli Bibiena. N.pl. [Pavia], n.pr., n.d. [c. 1773].

Folio (412x287 mm). Engraved architectural title page by Giovanni Ramis after Paolo Mescoli, dedicaton leaf to the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, [1] leaf of text, and [3] double-page plates engraved by Giovanni Ramis after Paolo Mescoli and Antonio Martorini, showing the plan, the façade and a section of the theater. Contemporary colored wrappers (spine repaired, worn and faded). A very good copy printed on thick paper. Extremely rare first edition, probably printed after 24 May 1773, date indicated in the text for the inauguration of the theater. Begun in 1771 by the famous architect Antonio Galli Bibiena, son of Ferdinando, and completed two years later, the Teatro dei Quattro Cavalieri, now known as Teatro Fraschini, is one of the most important monuments in the city of Pavia and the last of a series of theatres built by Bibiena in Italy, including the Comunale in Bologna, the Teatro Rossini in Lugo di Romagna and the Teatro Scientifico in Mantua. The façade of the building on Strada Nuova shows the affirmation of the neoclassical style, while the interior, with its symmetrical division of the rectangular plan, destined to the stage on one side and the audience on the other, was designed so that the protagonist would be exactly in the centre of the hall. The theatre was inaugurated in 1773 with J. Mjsliweczek’s Il Demetrio in the presence of Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, to whom the opera is dedicated. The four knights who financed its construction, Count Francesco Gambarana Beccaria, Marquis Pio Bellisomi, Marquis Luigi Bellingeri Provera and Count Giuseppe de Giorgi Vistarino, wanted to oppose the monopoly of theatrical performances held by G. Omodei, owner of the only theatre in Pavia until then. “The Teatro dei Quattro Cavalieri, now known as the Fraschini, is destined to play a fundamental role in the corpus that will be critically defined around the name of Antonio, at least as important as that of the Comunale in Bologna (1756-1763) and the Scientifico in Mantua (1767-1769). In fact, it is reasonable to assume, and a reading of the monument confirms this, that in the Pavia project the previous experiences in Bologna and Mantua led to a rethinking and to new, albeit partial, acquisitions in the formulation of the theatrical organism. The main source for the commission, the original icnography of the building and the timing of its realisation is the folio publication entitled Disegni del nuovo teatro de quattro cavalieri eretto in Pavia l'anno MDCCLXXIII opera del Cav. Antonio Galli Bibiena, published by the coowners patrician cavalieri at an unspecified date, but probably on the occasion of the theatre’s inauguration, and dedicated to Archduke Ferdinand of Austria. In the introduction to the three plates - plan, section and prospectus of the theatre - that make up the volume, it is stated that ‘ebbe principio il nuovo Teatro nella Regia Città di Pavia l'anno 1771, coll’essersi sul fine del mese di luglio formata una società di quattro Cavalieri Patricj, e Decurioni della città stessa cioè: il Conte Francesco Gambarana Beccaria, il Marchese Pio Bellisomi..., il Marchese Luigi Bellingeri Provera..., ed il Conte Giuseppe de Giorgi di Vistarino’ (‘The new theatre in the royal city of Pavia began in 1771 with the formation, at the end of July, of a company of four patrician knights and decurions of the city itself, namely: Count Francesco Gambarana Beccaria, Marquis Pio Bellisomi..., Marquis Luigi Bellingeri Provera... and Count Giuseppe de Giorgi di Vistarino’). It is clear that this was a private company that brought together some of the leading representatives of the local ruling class for an initiative in the public interest, in line with the enlightened directives of the central power. The nature of the company and its private funding were very much in line with 18th-century practice, which was full of similar examples; we need only think of the Comunale in Bologna, the Filarmonico in Verona, the Aliberti in Rome. In this particular case, the construction of a theatre was intended to avoid a precarious situation. Confined to the salons of patrician houses in the 17th century, the theatrical life of the city found an opening at the beginning of the 18th century with the construction of a theatre open to the public. It was a poorly equipped hall owned by the Homodei family, who ran it according to dubious criteria inspired by a misunderstood caste pride. The intention of the four knights was therefore to provide the city with a stable structure more suited to its needs […] The choice of the architect was probably determined by two factors: Bibiena’s fame as a theatre engineer, apparently untainted by the controversy that had surrounded the Bolognese commission, and his qualification as Architect of the Imperial Court of Vienna, a particularly prestigious title in a city of strict Austrian observance. In October 1777, the demolition of the existing houses in the chosen area began and the foundations of the building were laid. The inauguration took place on 24 May 1773 with the opera ‘Il Demetrio’, text by Pietro Metastasio, music by Giuseppe Mjsliweczek, scene changes by Antonio Bibiena himself. According to the first local historians, the architect personally supervised the work […] Following the principles laid down by the architect during the controversy over the construction of the Comunale in Bologna, the Teatro di Pavia was also built entirely in brick and stone, materials that contemporary theorists had a very negative view of, considering them to be unacoustic par excellence. In the Teatro dei Quattro Cavalieri, Antonio Bibiena used other means to ensure the success of the acoustics. The ceiling, the structure of which was later rebuilt, and the pit under the stalls probably played a prominent role in this undertaking. Antonio Galli Bibiena’s role in 18th-century theatre architecture was gradually defined. The bell-shaped plan, typical of the entire Bibiena tradition, became here the object of geometric formulation and was concretized in stable wall structures” (cf. L. Giordano, Il teatro dei quattro cavalieri e la presenza di Antonio Galli Bibiena a Pavia, in: “Bollettino d’arte”, 60, series 5., fasc. 1-2, Jan.-Jun. 1975, pp. 88-93). Antonio Luigi, one of the sons of the famous architect Ferdinando Galli Bibiena, was born in Parma in 1697. After his early studies in Bologna, he began his career as an architect, set designer and painter with his father. His most active period was in Vienna, where he was employed annually as a set designer for court shows. Around 1740 he accepted the invitation and protection of Imre Esterházy, Bishop of Veszprém and later Archbishop of Esztergom, who employed him in Bratislava in both civil and religious works. After the death of Cardinal Esterházy (1745), he returned to Vienna, where he was appointed “First Imperial Architect” in 1748. He permanently returned to Italy in 1751. The experience he had gained in over 30 years at the Viennese court and his exceptional skills as a theatre architect won him a prominent position in Italy, where he first worked on the reconstruction of the Teatro dei Rinnovati in Siena (1751-53), then on the reconstruction of the small theatres in Colle di Val d’Elsa and Pistoia (1754-55), and finally on the scenography and decoration of the Teatro della Pergola in Florence (1755). He returned to Bologna in 1756 to complete the new public theatre, inaugurated on 14 May 1763. He then designed stage sets for theatres in Milan (1751-53), Parma (1753, 1761, 1763), Reggio Emilia (1759) and Bologna. He was also responsible for the design of the Teatro di Lugo, the Teatro Scientifico in Mantua (1767-69) and the Teatro dei Quattro Cavalieri in Pavia (1771-77). His late activity was divided between Emilia and Lombardy. Antonio Luigi died in Milan on 28 January 1774 (cf. A. Coccioli Matroviti, Galli Bibiena, in: “Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani”, vol. 51, Rome, 1998, s.v.). Italian Union Catalogue, IT\ICCU\PUVE\004090; Cicognara, 752.


03.09.2026 - 10:41

3900,- EUR

Govi Rare Books LLC

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[SAINT-DENIS, Antoine de (fl. mid 16th cent.)]. Les Comptes du Monde adventureux par A.D.S.D. Paris, Estienne Groulleau [for Jean Longis and Vincent Sertenas booksellers], [8 July] 1555.

8vo (169x104 mm). [11], 245, [1] leaves. Collation: ã8 ē4 A-Hh8. Lacking the blank leaves ē4, Hh7 and Hh8. Groulleau’s device on title page. Woodcut initials. Colophon on l. Hh5r, Privilège du Roi on ll. Hh5v-6v. Roman and italic types. 19th-century gilt hazelnut calf, spine in compartments with lettering piece, gilt edges, marbled endleaves, blue silk bookmark (part of the spine and hinges skillfully repaired). On the front flyleaf bookplate with the monogram “AMB”, on the title page barely readable ownership entry “Le marquis De P[…]” and library stamp “Ex bibliotheca J. Richard M.D.” (repeated on l. A1r). Contemporary manuscript notes on ll. Q2r and Q6r in a French hand. Worm tracks repaired on the lower blank margin of most of the volume only occasionally minimally affecting the text, title page slightly soiled, some occasional light browning, all in all a good copy. Extremely rare first edition of this collection of fifty-four moralizing stories, often rather coarse and spicy, nevertheless dedicated “Aux sages et vertueuses Dames de France”. The work is traditionally attributed to Antoine de Saint-Denis, a priest from the diocese of Mans, who seems to have been in close relationship with Marguerite de Navarre. “Par ses tendances come par sa forme littéraire, ce recueil appartient bien au petit cercle des contes de la reine de Navarre, et la personalité d’Antoine de Saint-Denis [curé de Champfleury] s’y encadre sans difficulté […] Il faut reconnaître que, en effet, si Marguerite d’Angoulême étendit largement sa protection sur le monde entier des lettres et des arts, elle se fit tout près d’elle un cenacle choisi de poëtes et de conteurs, et que sa personalité fut, pour ceux-ci, una cause vivante démulation autant qu’un centre d’attraction […] Par ces points de contact fréquents entre le livre de la reine de Navarre et le recueil de Comptes du monde adventureux se trouve corroborée l’opinion que j’ai déjà émise au sujet de la priorité des ces Comptes, priorité d’allieurs publiquement affirmée par les amis de l’auteur au moment de l’impression du recueil in 1555, et qui ne souleva de la part des contemporaines aucune réclamation” (F. Frank, Notice, in: “Les comptes du monde adventureux”, Paris, 1878, pp. XIV, XXIV and CXXVII; see also V.-L. Saulnier, Martin Pontus et Marguerite de Navarre, la Réforme lyonaise et les sources de l’Héptameron, in: “Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance”, XXI, 1959, pp. 577-594). At the beginning of each story the author gives his short general moral lesson and at the end he addresses specifically to women to tell them what lesson they have to draw from the story. As in Boccaccio’s Decameron, the stories are told within a narrative frame, which is in itself a short story. The author is traveling from Provence to Savoy through the Dauphiné. Along the way he meets a gentleman who is accompanying his recovering wife to a thermal center. He joins them and their group, and during the journey - on horseback, during and after meals - they tell each others short stories to entertain themselves. Investigations about the sources of the stories were made by G.-A. Pérouse in his Nouvelles françaises du 16me siècle (Genève, 1977, pp. 139-155). Thus the main source of the stories is Masuccio Salernitano (c. 1410-1475), as at least thirty stories are drawn from him. Some single stories are adaptations from the Pecorone of Giovanni Fiorentino (fl. mid 14th cent.), from Heinrich Bebel (1472-1518), from Matteo Bandello (1485-1561) (cf. V.-L. Saulnier, Sur une nouvelle de Bandello et l’un des Comptes du Monde adventureux, in: “Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance”, XXIII, 1961, pp. 347-350), from Le petit Jehan de Saintré by Antoine de La Sale (c. 1388-1461) (cf. G.-A. Pérouse, Les Comptes du Monde adventureux et le roman de Jehan de Saintré, in: “Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance”, XXX, 1968, pp. 457-469), and from the Cent Nouvelles nouvelles (c. 1450s). The remaining stories, however, are original and “constituent un ensemble de récits inspirés par des anecdotes françaises et contamporaines, dont la note est très distincte de celle que rend le reste du recueil; ce sont des nouvelles, au sens propre du terme” (Pérouse, op. cit., p. 144). “[…] A.D.S.D. est écrivain et, de plus d’une manière, y fait preuve d’originalité. Tout d’abord, ses ‘histoires’ sont loin d’être tout “traduites”; et, lorsque traduction il y a, celle-ci est rarement simple traduction. Mais notre auteur se distingue encore par son recours à un récit liminaire (alors que les collections commerciales en sont depourvues, on l’a constaté), ou par le fait que ses emprunts s’addressent à la ‘deuxième génération’ des modèles italiens, enfin et surtout par sa constante volonté d’enseigner […] Tout cela étant, les Comptes du Monde adventureux ont bien une place entre Taillemont et Tahureau. Mais ils sont aussi liés de près à l’Heptameron […] Malgré la date tardive de leur publication, au bord des années de crise, les Comptes du Monde adventureux se rattachent assurément, pour une part, à la grande époque du genre. Les quinze récits realists qui s’y détachent ont leur place à côté des Nouvelles Récreations et surtout de l’Heptaméron: narrations ‘ancrées’ dans la réalité sociale quotidienne de ce côté-ci des Alpes, et exprimant ces réalités françaises dans des intrigues souvent fort reussies, ce sont proprement des ‘nouvelles’ au sens que nous avons voulu dégager au début de cette étude – éléments épars d’un authentique ‘Decameron françois’ ”(Pèrouse, op. cit., pp. 140 and 154). “La répartition des délits et du personnel criminel entre histoires comiques et histoires tragiques dans l’Heptaméron et Les Comptes du monde adventureux délivre un premier enseignement: les crimes les plus graves sont associés aux histoires tragiques tandis que les crimes bénins sont majoritaires dans les histoires comiques – ce qui n’exclut néanmoins pas la présence de délits majeurs. Dans ces deux recueils, les histoires tragiques accordent une place prépondérante aux crimes les plus graves tels que le meurtre, le viol ou encore l’adultère – ce dernier délit étant lui-même considéré comme le plus criminogène de tous, dans la mesure où il entraîne dans son sillage une multiplication des crimes les plus graves, de l’homicide au crime de lèse-majesté […] [D]ans la trente-quatrième histoire des Comptes du monde adventureux, l’adultère monnayé d’une dame avec un étudiant mène le mari trompé à assassiner son épouse et dans la cinquantième histoire, l’adultère d’une dame avec un écuyer la conduit à commettre un homicide, celui d’un enfant innocent. De manière générale, les pulsions sexuelles et les malheurs liés à l’amour et au désir sont au cœur des histoires tragiques où désir et violence sont étroitement associés […] (dans Les Comptes du monde adventureux, sur onze histoires criminelles trois tragiques, un mariage clandestin, cinq relations sexuelles illicites et quatre adultères peuvent être comptabilisés): l’amour est mortifère et malheureux dans la peinture tragique […] Cependant, contrairement à ce qui se passe dans l’Heptaméron, les histoires comiques réservent dans Les Comptes du monde adventureux une place importante aux délits mineurs, vols, duperies et autres bons tours, dont les victimes provoquent le rire, et non la compassion. Ce personnel criminel professionnel est représentatif de la perspective facétieuse et satirique, tandis qu’il est le plus souvent absent des histoires tragiques ou y apparaît au second plan. La satire des milieux marchands et artisans, dans la tradition des fabliaux, est présente dans la onzième histoire où un couturier voleur se fait meunier et apprend à être un peu larron pour éviter d’être réduit à la mendicité ; les moines malhonnêtes sont mis en scène dans la dixneuvième histoire et dans la vingt-deuxième, alors que les membres du clergé apparaissent au contraire comme des proies faciles pour les voleurs du fait même de leur cupidité et de leur soif d’argent dans les trente-troisième et quarante-sixième histoires. Ces figures criminelles sont héritières de la tradition satirique et se caractérisent par la ruse, la finesse, la duplicité dont elles font preuve pour mystifier leurs victimes. La vingt-quatrième histoire est très représentative, puisque le menu larcin accompli par les protagonistes est assimilé à une plaisanterie, une raillerie permettant de rire aux dépens d’un personnage respecté, un docteur ès lois de la ville de Boulogne: l’identité de la victime, un notable, représentant de la justice ou membre du clergé, contribue beaucoup à faire ressortir le sel des bons tours accomplis par des personnages mi-voleurs mi-plaisantins” (E. Ziercher, Représentations du sujet criminel, entre facétie et pathétique, in: “Juges et criminels dans la narration brève du XVIe siècle, J.-C. Arnould, ed., 2010, pp. 2-3 and 8; see also W.K. Pietrzak, Le Tragique dans les nouvelles exemplaires en France au XVIe siècle, Lódź, 2006, ad indicem; and L. Dion, Histoires de mariage. Le mariage dans la fiction narrative française (1515-1559), Paris, 2017, ad indicem). The present edition was shared between four Parisian publishers: Estienne Groulleau, Jean Longis, Robert Le Mangnier and Vincent Sertenas, and is extant with three variant title pages bearing the name of one or the other publishers. The work was very successful and was reprinted seven times until the end of the century. The 1582 edition contains an addition of five “discours modernes et facetieux”, that do not appear in the latest known 16th-century edition printed in 1595. The first modern edition is the one edited and commented by F. Frank cited above, that was reprinted at Geneva in 1969 (cf. Pérouse, op. cit., p. 502). BMSTC French Books, 127; Cioranesco, 6795; Melzi, I, 236; Barbier, I, 658.


03.09.2026 - 10:39

4800,- EUR

Govi Rare Books LLC

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AMMANNATI, Bartolomeo (1511-1592). Lettera di messer Bartolomeo Ammannati architetto, e scultor fiorentino. A gli honoratissimi Accademici del disegno. Florence, Bartolomeo Sermartelli, 1582.

4to (208x154 mm). [8] leaves. Collation: A-B4. Italic type. Woodcut printer’s device on title page, woodcut initial. Modern carta rustica. Small stain around a repaired tiny hole going through each leaf. Bookplate of Giannalisa Feltrinelli (see sale Christie’s London, 2 June 1998, lot 1091). Rare first edition (it was reprinted in Florence in 1687) of Ammanati’s famous letter to the Accademia del Disegno, the artist’s guild at Florence, in which he denounced the display of nude sculpture, including his own colossal figure of Hercules in Padua and the Neptune fountain in the Piazza della Signoria in Florence. One of the leading Mannerist sculptors and architects in Florence, Ammannati worked for Cosimo de’ Medici on his programme of public works, remodelling Palazzo Pitti and the Boboli gardens, and building the Ponte Santa Trinita and the Neptune fountain in the Piazza della Signoria. Under the influence of the Counter-Reformation, however, at the end of his life Ammannati reconsidered his artistic expression and his art became more religious in tone. The present letter expressed his remorse at depicting nude bodies in his previous art, despite the importance of the shape of the body in his earlier work. As an example of virtuous sculpture from his last period, Ammannati cites in the letter the tomb of Giovanni Boncompagni, commissioned by Gregory XIII in 1572 for the cemetery of Pisa, which depicts Christ between Peace and Justice. Although Ammannati doesn’t mention it directly in the letter, this radical change may have been due to his advancing age and his new collaboration as patron and architect for the Jesuits, for whom he designed and financed the renovation of the church and college of San Giovannino. It was probably around 1572, thanks to the influence of his wife Laura Battiferri, that Ammannati began to be more involved in the activities of the Society of Jesus in Florence (cf. V. Kirkham, Creative Partners: The Marriage of Laura Battiferra and Bartolomeo Ammannati, in “Renaissance Quarterly”, LV, 2, 2002, pp. 498-558). “When the first Jesuits arrived in Florence in 1551, they hoped to set up a community for twelve members of their order with the support of the Duchess Eleonora di Toledo. During the first few years, the Florentine Jesuits experienced many setbacks, and finding a permanent residence was one of their main concerns. For several years, they were forced to occupy a number of unsuitable, rented houses. They probably expressed their troubles to Eleonora, because in 1554 her husband, Duke Cosimo I de’Medici, donated the medieval church and the rectory of San Giovannino to them. The location was almost perfect: a central position, easily reached by students from all over town. However, the medieval building was too small and in a state of disrepair […] In Florence, due to the absence of a devoted and wealthy patron, no improvement of the accommodation of the Jesuit community was forthcoming. Almost fifteen years after establishing their foundation in Florence, the Jesuits still faced an insecure future. In 1566 a committee of supportive and prominent citizens was founded to find a solution, and it is likely that Ammannati soon became involved with their work […] Indeed, Ammannati’s assistance proved to be of great value. His close involvement with the construction of the new complex was exceptional; Ammannati not only proposed to make the designs, he and his wife also offered to take care of a substantial part of the expenses. The couple had agreed to pay for the construction of the college as early as 1577, although Ammannati hoped to persuade Giacomo Salviati, the cousin of Francesco de’ Medici, to be the main patron of the church. It seems that Salviati pulled back, making Ammannati responsible for bearing the cost of both the church and school. The best proof of Ammannati’s and Battiferri’s generosity was the decision of the childless couple in 1581 to make the Jesuit community in Florence their heir. His sympathy with the Jesuits was in keeping with his religious awakening at the end of his life. In 1582, when Ammannati was seventy-one, he wrote a well-known letter to all the artists in Florence expressing remorse for the character of his artistic oeuvre and warning his colleagues to refrain from making unchaste images. He repented for creating the sensual ignudi for the Neptune fountain on Piazza della Signoria in Florence, saying that it was improper to erect these kinds of images in a public place, where the statues could evoke impure thoughts. This change in thinking might have sprung from the prospect of his death, for Ammannati was old and probably in bad health, but it seems that his contact with the Jesuits was in part responsible […] Following the decision to enlarge the existing site, Bartolomeo Ammannati planned a new building. In 1579 the construction of the new nave of the church began, and already in 1581 the church was consecrated after the first three bays were built. However, after this successful start, the acquisition of new land largely failed, compelling Ammannati to adjust his design. In 1590 he produced a carefully made plan, which is now preserved in the Archivio di Stato in Rome (ASR) […] The complex of San Giovannino is adapted to its specific situation. Ammannati had to create a design that complied with the new ideological and functional demands of the Jesuits while taking into account the grave spatial and financial limitations. The final design of 1590 demonstrated his flexibility and acute observation, which were architectural skills championed in Antonio Possevino’s encyclopedia, the Bibliotheca selecta (1593). Possevino consulted Valeriano and Ammannati for his chapter on architecture, which is wellknown for its dismissal of blind adherence to Vitruvius’s De architectura […] The Florentine Jesuits were particularly proud of overcoming the problems they encountered in building their church. In 1581, when San Giovannino was consecrated, the annual report remarked with enthusiasm that the people considered it almost a miracle that, in spite of many setbacks, the church was built so swiftly that it seemed to have appeared suddenly. The admiration of San Giovannino is apparent in its influence on seventeenth- and eighteenth-century churches in Florence and Tuscany. Several churches were inspired by Ammannati’s system of alternating chapels and confessionals in niches […] But although Ammannati did not have the stature of a Farnese or a Borromeo, and although his support for the Jesuits did not spring from political aspirations, he had one thing in common with those grander patrons. He, too, wanted to demonstrate his stature, and the prospect of burial in the church is likely to have pleased him. Ammannati and Laura Battiferri were granted this unusual privilege in recognition of their zeal for the Jesuit cause, because without their ongoing efforts the new complex would never have been accomplished. The couple were even permitted to decorate the chapel of Saint Bartholomew with an altarpiece. The altarpiece that Ammannati commissioned from Alessandro Allori is still visible in the second chapel on the left, and it is said that the couple are depicted on the lower right. Clearly, Ammannati could not have wished for a better expression of his prestige, to be buried in front of the chapel of Saint Bartholomew in a church he designed and financed. He was highly satisfied with his achievement, as he wrote to the Accademia del Disegno in 1582, boasting that, through his contribution, the very beautiful San Giovannino (la bellissima Chiesa di S. Giovannino) was being erected. Even though their sepulcher must have originally been no more than a humble stone with an inscription, it drew prestige from the lack of other private tombs. In that sense Ammannati’s intentions were not so far removed from those of Farnese at Il Gesù. San Giovannino would be his mortuary monument” (M. Hurx, Bartolomeo Ammannati and the College of San Giovannino in Florence: Adapting Architecture to Jesuit Needs, in: “Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians”, vol. 68, no. 3, September 2009, pp. 339-341 and 351-354). “Lo stesso Bartolomeo Ammannati, accademico della prima ora, amico di Vasari e Borghini, considerò la scomparsa degli amici il momento opportuno di scrivere, nel 1582, una ‘lettera agli Accademici del Disegno’. In quello scritto, dato alle stampe, rivendicava a sé un metodo didattico, diretta espressione di una discussione accademica, capace di far comprendere ai giovani artisti il vero metodo di fare l’arte. L’obiettivo dell’Ammannati era però un altro. Sempre più vicino alle pratiche della pietà della Compagnia di Gesù, da poco instaurata anche a Firenze, l’architetto esprimeva il suo pubblico confiteor pregando tutti i membri dell’Accademia affinché non raffigurassero nudità ‘coprendo quelle parti che si deono ricoprire e che vedere non si possono se non con vergogna, e che ragione et arte ricoprir c’insegna, è grandissimo e gravissimo errore’. Il messaggio, rivolto proprio a quegli allievi del disegno, era tra le più insidiose mistificazioni scritte nel periodo. L’Ammannati, infatti, nel testo loda spesso il magistero michelangiolesco, al quale è perfino dedicato l’epitaffio finale, ma al contempo, con un’abile espediente retorico, sublima le pulsioni estetiche ed artistiche del Buonarroti in un’aurea di eterea castità e vergogna: ‘i buoni cristiani sempre facevano le buone e belle figure’. Ecco che, ribaltando le prospettive, persino una presunta frase attribuita al divino artista diveniva, nelle mani di sapienti pedagoghi, strumento di potere e di pressione sull’animo delle giovani generazioni. Del resto lo stesso Ammannati, il 28 aprile del 1583, fece dono all’Accademia di un torso michelangiolesco non finito, un modello ricevuto dallo stesso Granduca e identificato oggi con l’eponimo di Dio Fluviale, previsto da Michelangelo come ornamento di una tomba dei duchi di casa Medici ai lati dei sarcofagi di San Lorenzo. L’episodio, apparentemente in contraddizione, rappresentando il modello una divinità nuda - ma non evidentemente sessuata - si può inquadrare perfettamente nella concezione accademica dell’Ammannati per cui occorreva studiare, copiare, ispirarsi (anche secondo le indicazioni del De pictura di Leon Battista Alberti), ma con discernimento. Nella piccola collezione dell’Accademia si aggiungeva così, alla copia in gesso del Cristo della Minerva di Michelangelo di cui, oltre che per la didattica, si disponeva largamente per l’uso liturgico interno all’accolita, il ‘modello di terra cruda grande in sur una basa di lengio’ che rimarrà preziosa reliquia, per almeno due secoli, di un padre a cui mai fu permesso di fare da padrone” (E. Sartoni, Arte e potere. Il mito di Michelangelo padre e “fondatore” dell’Accademia del Disegno, in: “L’immortalità di un mito. L’eredità di Michelangelo nelle arti e negli insegnamenti accademici a Firenze dal Cinquecento alla contemporaneità”, S. Bellesi & F. Petrucci, eds, Florence, 2014, pp. 47-48). Bartolomeo Ammannati was a prominent sculptor and architect of the Italian Mannerist period. He began as a pupil of Baccio Bandinelli before working under Jacopo Sansovino and Giovanni Angelo Montorsoli. In the 1530s and 1540s, Ammannati collaborated on Sansovino’s project for the Biblioteca Marciana in Venice and Montorsoli’s tomb for the poet Jacopo Sannazaro in Naples. Between 1544 and 1548, he worked as a sculptor and architect in Padua for the humanist and antiquarian Marco Mantua Benavides. Ammannati’s tomb for Benavides in the Church of the Eremitani illustrates his take on Michelangelo’s unfinished wall tombs in the Medici Chapel. In 1550, Ammannati married Laura Battiferra, an accomplished poet and a prominent figure in the devotional culture of Counter-Reformation Italy. He traveled to Rome where he undertook important commissions related to the papal family, including tombs for the Del Monte in S. Pietro in Montorio and portions of Julius III’s Villa Giulia, on which he collaborated with Giorgio Vasari and Jacopo Vignola. In 1555, Ammannati returned to Florence to serve under Duke Cosimo I de’ Medici. His works during this period exemplify Mannerism at its height, from the bronzes of the Neptune Fountain to the courtyard of the Palazzo Pitti. As architect and engineer, he was also responsible for the Ponte Santa Trinità and the Column of Justice. In his later years, Ammannati took on architectural projects outside of Florence and he grew increasingly dedicated to the Jesuit order. He and Laura left their possessions to the Jesuits and helped with the reconstruction of the church of S. Giovannino in Florence, funding a chapel where they were buried (cf. Ch. Avery, Ammanati [Ammannati], Bartolomeo [Bartolommeo], in: “Grove Art Online” J. Rodenbeck, ed., New York, 2003). Edit 16, CNCE1542; Gamba, 1192; Schlosser-Magnino, pp. 373-375; USTC, 809077.


03.09.2026 - 10:38

5800,- EUR

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...

RASCH, Johann (ca. 1540-1612). Von Erdbiden, Etliche Tractat, alte und newe, hocherleuchter und bewärter Scibenten: inn welchem klärlich angezeigt, was dieselbigen jeder Zeit gutes oder böses mitgebracht: [...] München, Adam Berg, [1582].

4to (198x152 mm). [24] leaves. Collation: A-F4. Large woodcut vignette of an earth-quake on the title page. Woodcut decorative initials and tailpieces. Modern marbled cardboards. Very light browning and occasional marginal foxing, but a good, crispy copy. Very rare first edition. Apart a didactic poem by an anonymous author on the earthquake in Bavaria of 1511, this seems to be the first general treatise on this subject in German. The work opens with a long letter by Rasch to the printer Adam Berg, dated Vienna January 6, 1582, in which he writes about the difficulties to compose a book on earthquakes and holds theoretical speculations worthless. He tells about the earth-shock who took place at Vienna in July 1581, which however did not cause such great harm as the terrible earthquake that happened in southern Germany in 1348, which was still remembered by Rasch’s contemporaries in form of a poem. Rasch explains the causes of earthquakes with cavernous spaces in the depth of the earth filled with fire, air or water, whose fortuitous contact gives rise to every manner of destructive action, which, he rightly declares, are most destructive in the epicenter of the earthquake. He ends his letter praising Berg’s editorial skills and hints to some of his own future publications. There follows a German translation of a tract on the same subject by Friedrich Nausea, bishop of Vienna, and his account of an earthquake happened at Mainz in 1528; a treatise by the Italian humanist Filippo Beroaldo; and an anonymous tract, of which Konrad von Megenberg’s Buch der Natur served as a model. At the end is a libel by one Magister Albertus from Strasbourg, who sees the causes of earthquakes in the infamous actions of the Jews (cf. S. Günther, Münchener Erdbeben- und Prodigienlitteratur in älterer Zeit, in: “Jahrbuch für Münchener Geschichte”, 4, 1890, pp. 240-244). Johann Rasch was born around 1540 in Pöchlarn on the Danube in Lower Austria. As a child he was a choirboy at the Benedictine monastery grammar school. From there he went to the University of Wittenberg. He was repulsed by the constant quarrelling that prevailed there and decided to leave Wittenberg after only a short stay to live as a cleric in Mondsee Abbey from 1561 to 1563. However, he left this place soon after and enrolled at the University of Vienna in 1565, where he studied astronomy and mathematics under Bartholomaeus Reisacher. After graduating, he went to Munich, where he met the printer Adam Berg, but was unable to make a living there and returned to Vienna in 1570 as organist at the Schottenkirche. In 1576 he became a Catholic bookseller in Vienna. Rasch probably became a Viennese citizen around 1580. He is last recorded as a taxpayer in the tax register of the city of Vienna in 1611, which suggests that he probably died in 1612. In historical research, Rasch is primarily recognised as a musician. In the early 1570s he had several of his compositions printed by Adam Berg in Munich. In addition to music, between 1579 and 1597 Rasch published in several places such as St. Gallen, Rorschach, Graz, Vienna and Munich astronomical-astrological, calendrical, prognostic, economic, historical, theological, ethical and poetic-literary pamphlets, as well as a book on wine, which is his most important economic work. As a Catholic calendar maker, he defended the calendar reform of Pope Gregory XIII (cf. M. Schilling, Rasch, Johann, in: “Frühe Neuzeit in Deutschland 1520‒1620. Literaturwissenschaftliches Verfasserlexikon”, Berlin-New York-Boston, 2016, V, cols. 191-197). VD16, ZV-11372; P. Hohenemser, Flugschriften-Sammlung Gustav Freytag, Frankfurt/M, 1925, p. 32, no. 446; K. Schottenloher, Bibliographie zur deutschen Geschichte im Zeitalter der Glaubensspaltung 1517-1585, Stuttgart, 1957, IV, p. 193, no. 367-49c.


03.09.2026 - 10:37

3600,- EUR

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...

FRANCK, Sebastian (1499-1542/43). Sprüchwörter Gemeiner Tütscher nation, erstlich durch Sebastian Francken gesammlet, nüwlich aber in kommliche ordnung gestellt und gebessert. Zurich, Eustachius Froschauer, [1545].

Two parts in one volume, 8vo (153x100 mm). [8], ccxlvii, [1 blank]; [4], cxcii leaves. Collation: *8 a-z8 A-H8; †4 aa-zz8 Aa8. Leaf H8 is a blank. Contemporary blind-tooled pigskin over wooden boards dated 1558 and signed with the initials “A.K.” (repeated in manuscript at the bottom of the title page), two clasps preserved (slightly soiled, spine rubbed). Stamp of “Menno P.W. de Limburg” on the front pastedown and flyleaf. A superb copy with some contemporary annotations and underlining in brown ink. Second edition (the first was printed in Frankfurt by C. Egenolff in 1541) of this fundamental and incredibly successful collection of seven thousand proverbs, recast in Swiss German by the printer, newly arranged by subject by Konrad Pellikan (1478-1556) and provided with an index for each part. Some of the German proverbs are accompanied by Latin equivalents. This second edition is the only one, along with the first, to include Franck’s name in the title; all subsequent editions omit him. “Une édition publiée à Zurich, vers 1545, porte également au titre le nom de Seb. Franck, mais elle offre un travail particulier de l’éditeur, car les Proverbes y sont distribués par ordre alphabétique et s’y trouvent énoncés dans le dialecte allemand particulier à la Suisse […] J’ai déjà dit quelques mots de cette édition qui donne les Proverbes de Franck distribués par ordre alphabétique et exprimés dans le dialecte allemand usité en Suisse. Elle est fort rare, et présente, dans sa spécialité, un intérêt qui lui est propre” (P.-A. Gratet-Duplessis, Bibliographie parémiologique, Paris, 1847, pp. 326 and 328). “Die folkloristisch bedeutende Sprichwörtersammlung Sebastian Francks, die erstmals 1541 bei Egenolf zu Frankfurt erschienen war, gab Froschauer 1545 in durch Konrad Pellikan ausgearbeiteter Neuordnung heraus (Rud. 318). Als Drucker und Verleger zeichnet Christophs Bruder Eustachius, der dem umfangreichen Oktavbande eine Vorrede vorausschickte” (P. Leemann-Van Elck, Die Offizin Froschauer, Zurich-Leipzig, 1940, p. 92). The proverbs are taken from folklore, contemporary speech, classical languages and the dialects of north-western Europe. Fables and stories of common folk and powerful people complete the entries. Generations of writers have plundered the collection for ideas and phrases. In the Proverbs Franck conveys practical rules of life and wisdom for the common reader. At the same time, he places his theological program in a traditional cultural context by translating Jewish, ancient and national language collections of proverbs into German. “Sebastian Franck (Eleutherius) was born at Donauwörth, in Swabia, studied in Ingolstadt and Heidelberg, and took holy orders in the diocese of Augsburg. In 1527 he served as a Lutheran pastor near Nürnberg, but one year later he joined the Anabaptist community in the imperial city. This association did not last long either, and in 1529 Franck moved to Strasbourg, where he tried to settle down as a writer and private scholar. He maintained personal contacts with such radical religious thinkers as Kaspar Schwenckfeld, Hans Denck, Johannes Bünderlin, Johannes Cam-panus, and perhaps also with Michael Servetus, who came to Strasbourg in 1531 to debate with Capito and Bucer. Denck and Bünderlin seem to have exerted a decisive influence upon Franck, who became more and more critical of all ecclesiastical institutions and adopted a fully spiritualist position. After having been expelled from Strasbourg in 1531 he spent some time at Esslingen, where he tried to make a living as a soap-boiler. In 1532 he moved to Ulm, where he set up a printing shop. His writings provoked the wrath of the Lutheran preachers, and on the initiative of Martin Frecht he was eventually banished again in 1539. After further wanderings he settled in Basel in 1541. He acquired citizenship and again started his printing business, but after little more than a year he died. Franck’s literary activity began in 1527-8 with a German translation of Andreas Althamer’s Diallage against Hans Denck (Nürnberg 1528) and with the tract Von dem grewlichen Laster der Trunckenheit (Augsburg 1528). The Paradoxa (Ulm: J. Varnier 1534), the Guldin Arch (Augsburg: H. Steiner 1538), and the Verbütschiert ... Buch (1539) are the main reflections of his spiritualism. His historical thought can be studied in the Türkenchronik (Nürnberg 1529) and in the Germaniae Chronicon (Frankfurt: C. Egenolff 1538) but above all in the Chronica, Zeytbuch und Geschichtbybell (Strasbourg: B. Beck 1531; Ulm]. Varnier 1536). Among his other writings are the cosmographic Weltbuch (1533), a Latin paraphrase of the Theologia Deutsch, and the Kriegsbüchlein des Frides (Augsburg: H. Steiner 1539), which became important as a landmark in the history of pacifist thought. A number of Franck’s minor writings were published in Dutch editions only. Sebastian Franck was one of the great religious individualists of his age; he was a lonely and isolated advocate of peace and an imperturbable critic of religious persecution, because he believed that God alone recognizes the true heretics. After many disappointing experiences with the Roman church, Lutheranism, and Anabaptism he dissociated himself from all religious parties; he had no followers and did not found his own religious movement. His life was a vagrant journey from one city to another because his attempts to settle down were thwarted almost everywhere. Franck respected Erasmus very highly and often quoted from the humanist’s writings. His skepticism of dogmatic formalism and his pacifist ideas clearly show marks of Erasmus’ influence. In 1534 Franck wrote a German translation of the Moria. Erasmus, on the other hand, did not show much appreciation for Franck’s work. Franck’s expulsion from Strasbourg in 1531 was in fact due to a complaint which Erasmus had submitted to the city government because the author of the Geschichtoybell had listed him among the great and unjustly persecuted heretics of Christendom” (H.R. Guggisberg, Sebastian Franck, in: “Contemporaries of Erasmus”, Toronto-Buffalo-London, 1986, II, pp. 53-54). K. Kaczerowsky, Sebastian Franck Bibliographie, Wiesbaden, 1976, A-161; M. Vischer, Bibliographie der zürcher Druckschriften, Baden-Baden, 1991, C-1146; Gratet-Duplessis, Op. cit., no. 542, pp. 327-328; VD 16, F-2123.


03.09.2026 - 10:33

3800,- EUR

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...

PHILANDRIER, Guillaume (1505-1565). […] In decem libros M. Vitruvii Pollionis De architectura annotationes […] Colophon: Rome, [Antonio Blado for] Giovanni Andrea Dossena, 1544.

8vo (155x99 mm). [16], 369, [39] pp. Collation: a8 A-Z8 &8 AA8 BB4. Large printer’s device on the title page and 65 woodcut illustrations in text. Colophon on last leaf verso. Woodcut initials. Italic, Greek, and Roman type. Contemporary flexible vellum with overlapping edges and inked title on spine (traces of ties). Small hole on l. H1 with some loss of text, quire T slightly browned, otherwise a very good, extremely genuine copy in its first binding. Provenance. Ownership entry on the title page “Joan. Bap.ta Gabii”. Giovan Battista Gabia, born in Verona in the early 16th century, was a professor of Greek at the University of Rome from around 1553 until 1582. Alongside teaching, he was also active as a translator and editor of Greek and Hebrew texts. In 1583, he published in Rome a translation of the Gregorian calendar into Greek. He probably died around 1590 (cf. E. Del Gallo, Gabia, Giovan Battista, in: “Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani”, vol. 51, 1998, s.v.). Scarce first edition, dedicated to the King of France Francis I, of Philandrier commentary on Vitruvius, that was reprinted in Paris in 1545 and later issued accompanying Vitruvius’s actual text in Strasbourg in 1550 in 16mo and in De Tournes’ enlarged 4to format in Lyons in 1552. The edition opens with a note to the scholars (“studiosis”), a six-page long list of quoted authors, and a short life of Vitruvius based on the autobiographical references that can be found in his own work. As secretary to Cardinal Georges D’Armagnac, Philandrier lived in Rome for a few years, becoming a member of the famous Accademia della Virtù, which, founded by Claudio Tolomei in 1538 under the protection of Cardinal Ippolito de’ Medici, had been established for the main purpose of studying and commenting on the work of Vitruvius (see M. Maylender, Storia delle accademie d’Italia, Bologna, 1926-‘30, V, pp. 478-480). The academy, whose members included Marcello Cervini (the future Pope Marcellus II), Jacopo Barozzi called Il Vignola, Alessandro Manzuoli, Luca Contile, Annibal Caro, Marco Antonio Flaminio, and Francesco Maria Molza, to name but a few, met twice a week at the residence of Archbishop Francesco Colonna; during the meetings Vitrivius’ De Architectura was read and discussed in order to publish a comprehensive annotated edition of the work. The activity and goals of the Accademia della Virtù are outlined by Tolomei in a very interesting letter to Count Agostino Landi, dated 14 November 1542 (cf. D. Wiebenson, ed., Architectural Theory and Practice from Alberti to Ledoux, Chicago, IL, 1982, pp. 1-13). It was precisely during his stay in Rome that Philander (known in Italian as Filandro and in Latin as Philander) produced his Annotationes, which remained the only published outcome of the ambitious project of the Accademia della Virtù (cf. F. Lemerle, Philandrier et le texte de Vitruve, in: “Mélanges de l’École française de Rome, Italie et Méditerranée”, 106, no. 2, 1994, pp. 517-529). “Philander’s commentary is composed of sections of the text followed by practical explanations and definitions, each passage heavily reinforced with scholarly and classical examples […] Philander’s work is at once a learned study and a practical manual of architecture, incorporating the methods of both the humanists and architects […] It is the first synthesis of academic and practical interpretations of Vitruvius’ treatise to appear in published form. The contribution of Philander and of the Accademia delle Virtù to mid-sixteenth-century architectural theory is of the greatest importance […] Philander’s notes would be cited almost without exception by every Vitruvius commentator and translator, from the date of its first appearance until the nineteenth century” (D. Wiebenson, ed., The Mark J. Millard Architectural Collection, I: French books, New York, 1993, no. 165 for the 1552 edition). Guillaume Philandrier, a native of Châtillon-sur-Seine, was a pupil of Jean Perelle. As secretary to Georges d’Armagnac, French ambassador first to Venice, then to Rome, he visited Italy and got to know influential artists of the time, most notably Sebastiano Serlio, who taught him architecture. At an unspecified date between 1544 and 1549 he returned to France, to Rodez, where, having taken the ecclesiastical habit, he was appointed canon of the cathedral and archdeacon. He died in Toulouse in February 1563, while visiting Georges d’Armagnac, who had meanwhile become bishop of that city. His annotations to Vitruvius had a considerable influence on later commentaries such as that of Barbaro and became a reference text especially on the four orders, to which Philandrier added a fifth, the Varronian order (cf. M. Carpo, L’architettura dell’età della stampa. Oralità, scrittura, libro stampato e riproduzione meccanica dell’immagine nella storia delle teorie architettoniche, Milan, 1998, pp. 64-71). Edit 16, CNCE34749; Cicognara, Catalogo ragionato dei libri d’arte e d’antichità posseduti dal Conte Cicognara, Pisa, 1821, no. 708; L.H. Fowler, The Fowler Architectural Collection of the Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, 1961, no. 402; Schlosser Magnino, p. 263; Schweiger, II, 1265; BMSTC Italian, 1465-1600, p. 510.


03.09.2026 - 10:31

2800,- EUR

Govi Rare Books LLC